Friday 5 October 2012

VENDA culture


photo taken by Mawela Netshidzivhe

Intro


As with most of the other peoples of South Africa the Venda (VhaVenda) came from the Great Lakes of Central Africa. They first settled down in the Soutpansberg Mountains. Here they built their first capital, D’zata, the ruins of which can still be seen today.

Venda culture has an interesting mix of other cultures - it appears to have incorporated a variety of East African, Central African, Nguni, and Sotho characteristics. For example, the Venda forbid the consumption of pork, a prohibition that is common along the East African coast. They also practice male circumcision, which is common among many Sotho, but not among most Nguni peoples.

The Venda language, TshiVenda or LuVenda, emerged as a distinct dialect in the 16th Century. In the 20th Century, the TshiVenda vocabulary was similar to SeSotho, but the grammar shares similarities with Shona dialects, which are spoken in Zimbabwe. Today about 875 000 people in South Africa speak Tshivenda.

The history of the Venda starts from the Mapungubwe Kingdom (9th Century). According to historical studies King Shiriyadenga was the first king of Venda and Mapungubwe. Shiriyadenga was succeeded by his children.

Historical Background:

Ngoma Lungundu


Brushing back a thick layer of dust, Tudor Parfitt revealed a distinctive interwoven pattern carved around the outside of the “terribly, terribly damaged” wooden artifact tucked away on the bottom shelf of a Zimbabwe warehouse.

“The moment I saw it, I felt there was something weird about it,” said Parfitt, a professor of modern Jewish studies at the University of London’s School of African and Oriental Studies. “I wasn’t simply in the presence of a neutral object.”

Parfitt believes he has found the Ark of the Covenant, the legendary vessel that once housed the Ten Commandments. Or at least something like it.

In his new book, “The Lost Ark of the Covenant: Solving the 2,500 Year Old Mystery of the Fabled Biblical Ark,” Parfitt describes how he found the artifact in a global trek that would have made Indiana Jones proud. He was shot at in Ethiopia, escaped capture by Islamist outlaws in Yemen, and enlisted the help of a cannibalistic tribe in Papua New Guinea.

Like Harrison Ford’s fictional archaeologist, Parfitt has a love of adventure and a fear of snakes. His 20-year hunt ended last year in Zimbabwe, at the Harare Museum of Human Science, where he found his treasure in a dusty storeroom.

http://www.christianindex.org/4319.article.print

venda drums today. photo by Mawela Netshidzivhe

From 800AD, the Mapungubwe Kingdom emerged, stretching from the Soutpansberg in the south, across the Limpopo River to the Matopos in the north. The Mapungubwe Kingdom declined from 1240, and the centre of power and trade moved north to the Great Zimbabwe Kingdom.

A shifting of focus to Zimbabwe's Khami and Rozwi empires followed, but the culture did not come to a standstill. South of the Limpopo Shona-Venda and Venda pottery styles developed in the 14th and 15th Centuries. There are no stonewalled ruins comparable in size to Great Zimbabwe in the northeastern part of Northern Province, but those in the mountains show a link.

Accompanying the development of these centres, from about 1400, waves of Shona-speaking migrants from modern Zimbabwe (known by the Venda as Thavatsindi) settled across the Lowveld.

The Venda are generally regarded as one of the last black groups to have entered the area south of the Limpopo River. Their history is closely related to the history of their successive captains’ houses, especially those who were descended from their legendary ancestor, Thoho-ya-Ndou (Head of the Elephant).

Thoho-ya-Ndou’s kraal (home) was called D’zata and the remains of this have been declared a National Monument. D’zata had great significance for the Venda because they buried their chiefs facing it. When Thoho-ya-Ndou died, divisions arose between the different captains’ houses as a result of disputes regarding the question of who was to succeed him.

In Venda tradition, succession to the throne is a complex matter and their history has been characterised by many disputes over occupancy of the throne. Today there are 26 captains’ houses that trace their origins to the great man while a few others trace their ancestry to tribes that were later incorporated with the Venda.


However, the true Venda can be divided into 2 groups, namely a western group, primarily of Singo origin and descended from the followers of leaders such as Mphephu, Senthumule and Kutama; and an eastern group who regarded themselves as descendants of Lwamonde, Rambuda, Tshivashe and Mphapuli.

It was believed that the Singo king could protect his people from attack by their enemies by beating a special drum called the Ngoma Lungundo, ('drum of the dead'). According to legend, the sound of the drum would strike terror in the hearts of the enemy and they would flee. Some Venda say that this king disappeared from his kraal one night with this special drum and neither were ever seen again. It is believed that at Mashovhela “place where the drums can be heard”, rock pool on the Morning Sun Nature Reserve, you can still hear the his drum in the echoes of the cliffs and is considered the second most sacred site in Venda culture. One of the most interesting and distinct groups of people who later joined the Venda are the African Semites, the Lemba.


They are believed to be the descendants of Semitic (Arab) traders who entered Africa around 696AD. The Lemba believe themselves to be Black Jews, descendants of the lost tribe of Israel. They keep to themselves, only marry within their own group and sometimes refer to themselves as Vhalungu, which means 'non-Negroid' or 'respected foreigner'.

The beads they brought with them from these far-off countries are still treasured to this day and are used in divination and other magical ceremonies. The Lemba were very good traders and artisans. They were also famous, for their metalwork and pottery. The first contact between the Venda and the whites occurred when the Voortrekker leader, Louis Trichardt came to the area in 1836.

In 1848, the whites established a settlement named Schoemansdal. However, Makhado, the Venda captain at the time, harassed the white settlers to such an extent that they abandoned the town in 1867. This harassment was continued by Makhado’s son, Mphephu and eventually led to the Mphephu War when he was defeated and had to flee to Zimbabwe.

During the Apartheid period, a homeland was set aside for the Venda people. It covered 6 500 square kilometres and the capital city was called Thohoyandou in honour of the great Venda chief of the same name. It became independent in 1979. Today, the area is once again part of South Africa; located in the Limpopo Province.

Social & Cultural life:



Trade, warfare and intermarriage with Tsonga, Lobedu, Zulu, Swazi and other people, have also left their imprints on Venda culture. The Venda were a protective people, many of whom still practiced polygamy and worshipped their families' ancestors.

Members of the different clans could, and did, live in any of the tribal territories, because the tribe was purely a political and territorial unit, consisting of people who chose to owe allegiance to a particular dynasty.

It was quite common to find a ruler attracting members of his own clan after his accession. There was no paramount chief each tribe was ruled by an independent chief, who had under him headmen, responsible for the government of districts within the tribal territory.

Most of the chiefs belonged to lineages of the same clan, which crossed the Limpopo River and controlled those whom they found living in the Zoutpansberg in the latter half of the 18th century. Thus there was an important social division in Venda society between commoners (vhasiwana) and the children of chiefs and their descendants (vhakololo).

In the Sibasa district (located in Northern Province) there were 12 Venda chiefs some were the descendants of brothers, who were the sons of a ruling chief but broke away and established independent chiefdoms elsewhere. There were a number of differences in the customs of the various clans, especially in religious ritual, but there were no distinct differences between the tribes.

Venda Belief System:


The Venda culture is built on a vibrant mythical belief system, which is reflected in their artistic style. Water is an important theme to the Venda and there are many sacred sites within their region where the Venda conjure up their ancestral spirits.

They believe zwidutwane, (water spirits), live at the bottom of waterfalls. These beings are only half-visible; they only have one eye, one leg, and one arm. One half can be seen in this world and the other half in the spirit world. The Venda would take offerings of food to them because the zwidutwane cannot grow things underwater.

One of the most sacred sites of the Venda is Lake Fundudzi. Suspicion surrounds the lake, which is fed by the Mutale River yet does not appear to have an outlet. It is also said that you can sometimes hear the Tshikona song although no one appears to be there.

The Venda people have a very special relationship with Crocodiles. The area where they live is filled with these dangerous reptiles. The Venda believe that the brain of the Crocodile is very poisonous, therefore they are given right of way by the Venda who do not even hunt them for food.
Venda Rituals:
Initiation:


The Domba is a pre-marital initiation, the last one in the life of a Venda girl or boy. The chief or sovereign will 'call' a domba and preparations are made by the families for their girls to be ready and to prepare what’s necessary to attend the ceremony (entry fees for the ruler, clothes and bangles).

Historically girls used to stay with the chief for the whole duration (3 months to 3 years) of the initiation; nowadays because of schooling, girls only spend weekends at the ruler’s kraal.

This rite of passage was attended by both girls and boys after each individual had previously attended other separated initiations dedicated to one’s gender; Vusha and Tshikanda for girls and Murundu for boys (the circumcision done during this rite has been introduced by North Sotho). Since the missionaries decided that mixing males and females in the same ceremony was immoral.

Only girls attend the Domba which has two main functions teaching girls how to prepare themselves to become wives (birth planning, giving birth and child care, how to treat a husband, and nowadays the teaching of AIDS risks); and bringing fertility to the new generation of the tribe.
Music and Dance:

Various rituals are particular to the Venda and certain aspects are kept secret and not discussed with westerners, however, it is known that the python dance, conducted at the female coming of age ceremony (iconic to the Limpopo region) is usually where the chief chooses a wife.

Girls and boys dance fluidly, like a snake, to the beat of a drum, while forming a chain by holding the forearm of the person in front. Once a wife has been chosen a set of courtship and grooming rituals take place over a number of days.

The tshikona is traditionally a male dance in which each player has a pipe made out of a special indigenous type of bamboo growing only in few places around Sibasa and Thohoyandou (which no longer exists). Each player has one note to play, which has to be played in turn, in such a way as to build a melody.


The tshikona is a royal dance, each sovereign or chief has his own tshikona band. Tshikona is played at various occasions for funerals, wedding or religious ceremonies, this can be considered as the Venda 'national music / dance', which is particular to Venda in South Africa.

The tshigombela is a female dance usually performed by married women, this is a festive dance sometimes played at the same time as tshikona. Tshifhasi is similar to tshigombela but performed by young unmarried girls (khomba).

The Mbila is played in the north of South Africa and more particularly by the Venda. It can be described as a keyboard made out of a piece of wood, which is the resonator, and with metal blades (made out of huge nails hammered flat) which are the keys.

While the Mbila is still widely played in Zimbabwe, in South Africa it is only played by a few old people, who sadly notice that most youngsters are disinterested in their own culture and let it die. The playing of the Mbila is one of the most endangered Venda traditions. The Venda style of playing Mbila is quite different from that of Zimbabwe or Mozambique.

Drums are central in Venda culture and there are legends and symbols linked to them. Most sets of drums are kept in the homes of chiefs and headmen, and comprise one ngoma, one thungwa, and 2 or 3 murumba.

Drum sets without the Ngoma may be found in the homes of certain members of the tribe, such as the doctors who run girls’ ’circumcision’ schools. Drums are often given personal names. Drums are always played by women and girls, except in possession dances, when men may play them.
Venda Today:

Under the apartheid system the land of the Venda people was designated a homeland so they were fairly unaffected by the political and social changes that had such a massive affect on the rest of the country.

The 1 000 000 strong Venda population was left alone to live the way they had for hundreds of years in their lush, mountainous and remote region, which is why their culture, language, arts and crafts have survived so strongly. Today, many Venda people live in Thohoyandou in the Limpopo. It is situated not far from the border of Zimbabwe.
Nemanashi by Mawela Netshidzivhe


http://www.krugerpark.co.za/africa_venda.html

Wednesday 3 October 2012

RESISTANCE AND PROTEST



Synopsis


Born in Jamaica, Marcus Garvey was an orator for the Black Nationalism and Pan-Africanism movements, to which end he founded the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League. Garvey advanced a Pan-African philosophy which inspired a global mass movement, known as Garveyism. Garveyism would eventually inspire others, from the Nation of Islam to the Rastafari movement.

http://www.biography.com/people/marcus-garvey-9307319

Marcus Garvey strived for Black repatriation to Africa. Both Whites and Blacks would have been better off if it would have taken place.


http://www.whitenewsnow.com/lounge-white-patriots/8738-marcus-garvey-repatriation-all-blacks-africa.html


Rastafari: Repatriation or Bust

Rhea Vrana-Taylor

 http://web.pdx.edu/~rheav/draft1rasta.doc
UNST 123G: Forbidden Knowledge
Professor Martha J. Bianco
8 June 2006
Abstract
In this paper, I explore the influence made by Marcus Mosiah Garvey on the Rastafari movement. I outline the fundamental beliefs of the Rastafari, noting comparisons between the Rastafari, Garvey, and Black nationalist movements, focusing specifically on the concept of repatriation to Africa as a leading inspiration for Blacks of the African Diaspora to attain liberation from oppressive social constructs. I then explore ways in which the concept of repatriation helped Black populations, displaced by slavery, to reconstruct their perception of self and community identity by taking pride in their African heritage.
Introduction
Emperor Selassie is the only foundation
Only Emmanuel relieve the frustration
You want to be free from the corruption
Me tell you such is life from the creation
Only Marcus Garvey show the situation
I only chant fi repatriation
These lyrics in this song, “What Does it Worth?” by Sizzla, exemplify the most valued beliefs of the Rastafari movement. The references reveal the degree of importance and respect to which the Rastafari honor Haile Selassie I and the desire to be liberated from “Babylon,” a term “referent to oppressive empire” (Davidson 5), through the repatriation of Blacks to Africa. Repatriation, the so-called “path to freedom” inspired by Marcus Mosiah Garvey, is not only a consistent theme in reggae music and the Rastafari culture overall, but appears to preserve a belief that the return of all black people to Ethiopia will right the painful history of slavery and oppression to which those of African descent have endured.
In examining the entirety of the African Diaspora, one can pinpoint the influence of Garvey and his “Back to Africa” campaign on the Rastafari movement. Though Garvey’s influence involved more than encouraging return to Africa, the concept of repatriation proved influential to poor and oppressed Jamaican (and other) Blacks, inspiring them to take pride in their “blackness” and to connect with their African roots. “The idea of Africa as a home not only offered hope for the most oppressed within the African Diaspora, but it led to the development of positive Black ethnoracial self-conceptions and Black empowerment” (Singh 302). I will prove that the concept of repatriation instilled hope to many who, through generations of oppression, experienced a misconstrued concept or lack of identity as result of physical and cultural displacement. I will present ways in which Marcus Garvey influenced development of the Rastafari movement, and how repatriation, as concept more so than action, influenced poor and oppressed Black Jamaicans to capture the power of self-definition and to take pride in their African heritage.
Through this essay, I will examine the history of the Rastafari movement and the development of the “Rasta” belief system, focusing specifically on the significance of the concept of repatriation to Africa. I will explore various ways in which Marcus Mosiah Garvey was a notable influence on the Rastafari movement. I will then outline ways in which the concept of repatriation to Africa empowered followers of the Rastafari movement by reinterpreting their concepts of identity and reestablishing pride in their African heritage.
            Garvey the Prophet
Jamaican-born Marcus Mosiah Garvey (1887-1940) committed himself to advocating cultural and racial awareness, human rights, and equal opportunity for the Black/African race around the world. As a dedicated and influential leader and the founder of the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA), Garvey earned many followers (including the so-called “Garveyites”) while spreading inspiration to many Black nationalist movements, such as the Rastafari. “Marcus Mosiah Garvey was a committed Afrocentrist who underscored the need for Blacks to interpret their own history and control their own destiny in Africa and the black diaspora” (Hutton and Murrell 42). During a speech given in 1929, Garvey stated: “Look to Africa, for there a king will be crowned.” Not a year later, in November of 1930, Ras Tafari Makonnen was crowned as the new emperor of Ethiopia (adopting the throne title Haile Selassie), fulfilling Garvey’s prediction. This turn of events founded beliefs of the Rastafari movement that honor Garvey as its “prophet” and Haile Selassie I as God incarnate.

            Development of the Rastafari Movement


The Rastafarian movement originated during the 1930s, shortly after the coronation of Haile Selassie, among the poorest of the black lower class in the ghettos of Kingston, Jamaica. Among Jamaican society, members of the Rastafari movement were commonly perceived as social outcasts because of their anti-establishment way of life and their pride in identifying themselves as people of African ancestry (as did Black nationalists). Mainstream Jamaican society even feared the Rastafari for reasons such as their “criminal” appearance of wearing long “dreadlocked” hair, their smoking of “ganja” (marijuana), but primarily because they were emerging during “a time when middle-class Jamaicans were ashamed of their African past and associated [anything] African with the memory of slavery” (Erskine 48). Through shared beliefs, both Garvey and the Rastafari “were at the forefront of the challenge to Jamaica’s colonial mentality” (Lewis 150). 
Rastafari Beliefs and Symbolism.
The development of the Rastafari movement (considered more a movement than a religion) was greatly dependent on reinterpretations of religious literature, an aspect to which Garvey was a significant influence. “Garvey’s Afrocentric interpretation of the Bible and his Ethiopianist vision and philosophy of Blackness … also influenced the Rastafarians” (Murrell and Williams 330). Although religiously influenced, “Rasta is not a church with an official doctrine, but a belief system that concerns spiritual, social, and historical matters” (Swagga.com), all of which have been reinterpreted in accordance to the Rastafarian “philosophy.” Rastas have extreme faith in the power of word, an element of the movement that is reflected through their use speech, a dialect known as “Iyaric”. Through careful examination of Standard English, Rastas replace any negatively perceived connotation with a positive alternative. For example, instead of responding with the words “I understand,” a Rasta would say, “I overstand,” to demonstrate a sense of equality in his response to another. It is to this degree that “Rastafarians believe that a word can kill or cure and that every word carries a vibration” (Simpson 289). Hence the Rastafari saying “jus word, sound, pawwa,” which simply states the three most important elements of the Rastafarian philosophy: words, sound (reggae music), and power (through liberation). Reggae music is a crucial expressive element for the Rastafari because it encompasses these key elements and is “effective in areas with high illiteracy,” as are the ghettos of Jamaica. For this reason, reggae music proved to be one of the most influential mediums used to express Rastafarian beliefs, especially during decades immediately following the Rastafari movement which began in the 1930s.


Source: Literacy and Non formal Education Sector, Estimation and Projection of UNESCO Institute for Statistics of Adult Illiteracy for Population Aged 15 Year Old and above, by Country.
            This chart displays literacy rates in Jamaica from 1970 through 2001. Although the chart does not display literacy rates that date back to the beginning of the Rastafari movement, it does reveal that literacy rates in Jamaica increased by 19 percent over a thirty-one year period, from 67 percent literacy in 1970 to 88 percent literacy in 2001. This time frame follows the implementation of the Jamaican Movement for the Advancement of Literacy, a program that began in 1970 with prospects of boosting Jamaica’s economy by increasing the literacy rate. 
Interpretations of Repatriation
Rastafari is an African way of life. Our deity is African, our prophet is African, our signs and symbols and philosophy are also African. Therefore, to live according to the principles of Rastafari is to live out the essence of an African way of life. This is the depth with which we are able to take the concept of repatriation. (Erskine 48)
As Black nationalist movements, such as the Rastafari, emerged in consequence to slavery and the African Diaspora, a desire for and belief in an eventual return to the “homeland,” Africa, comes as little surprise. “The idea of Africa as home not only offered hope for the most oppressed within the African Diaspora, but it led to the development of positive Black ethnoracial self-conceptions and Black empowerment” (Sing 302). Yet just as Jamaica’s middle class was fearful of the Rastafari movement overall, “the wider society was particularly critical of this Rastatenet [repatriation to Ethiopia] since it represented a threat to the fundamental idea of a nation of ‘Jamaicans for Jamaica’” (Erskine 76).
            Alas, Garvey’s dream of a complete repatriation of Blacks to Africa was never fulfilled to the extent that he anticipated and, as sociologist Noel Erskine notes, Garvey “was not unaware of problems associated with [physical] repatriation” (30). Even though a desire for repatriation is still commonly expressed in reggae music lyrics, it is apparent that the concept has transformed to accommodate the people. Rastafarians “have reinterpreted repatriation, that Africa is not so much a place for them to go to as it is a state of mind to inhabit” (Barrett 425).         
Identity Shift
Although physical repatriation to Africa has not been be fulfilled as Garvey or the founding Rastafari originally hoped, followers learned that “idea of Africa as ‘home’ can be a psychologically, culturally and spiritually empowering experience – all of which are important ingredients for creating positive ethno-racial self-conceptions of self and community” (Singh 24). For the Rastafari, recapturing this awareness of history and taking pride in their African roots “resulted in an identity shift, from a colonial based Euro-dominant Afro-Caribbean identity to a more localized African-centered identity” (Singh 19).
To participate in a form of active engagement towards liberation, Rastafari practice what they call “reasonings.” The purpose of these reasonings is to heighten awareness by discussing local and worldly issues in an open communal environment. The act of these “reasonings” emulates “a form of what liberation theologian and educator Paulo Freire calls ‘conscientization’ – arousing people’s consciousness and sense of self-redemption from the bottom up, with liberating significance” (Murrell and Taylor 399). In using these tools towards achieving liberation, “Rastas seized the power of self-definition and began to raise critical questions concerning the power of self-identification of the poor” (Erskine 126). In comparison to Freire’s education theory, which strives for liberation through “conscientization,” it may be argued that the Rastafari have taken the first and most important step toward this goal. Awareness is the first step to empower oneself and to strive toward attaining freedom.
The Rastafarian movement has also been criticized for other elements of their faith such as smoking of “ganja” (marijuana). Rastafarians primarily participate in smoking marijuana during “reasonings” because they feel that “the herb” enhances their awareness and understanding during such gatherings. Criticism of the Rastafari goes so far to claim that participants are not active in making change, but are rather isolating themselves with their counter-culture lifestyle, appearance, and use of marijuana to “escape” real issues that are facing their people, their country, and beyond.
On the other hand, the Rastafarian movement has been acknowledged worldwide through increasingly popular reggae music, much to the help of the late singer/songwriter Bob Marley. Also criticized for his use of marijuana, Marley gained (himself and the Rastafari) worldwide recognition. Due to his catchy tunes and honest lyrics, Marley gained fans worldwide who felt they could relate to the (Rastafari) messages in his songs, such as the theme of confronting oppression.
Conclusion
The return of all blacks to Africa may be unrealistic or even undesired, but the concept of repatriation has evolved in such a way to benefit and uplift black populations displaced by slavery, such as the Rastafari. For Garvey, “the greatest and most enduring impact of slavery and colonialism is psychological” (Hutton and Murrell 45). He believed that the first and most important step towards liberation was to free the mind, and once this was achieved, then would come physical. In opposition of oppression, the Rastafari movement was able to reclaim their pride and sense of identity through acknowledging their African heritage. It was through desire to return to a long lost “home,” that the Rastafari, in a sense, achieved liberation through bringing their “home” home to Jamaica.


REFERENCES
Barrett, Leonard. Interview with Indigo Bethea, Michael Bruny, and Adrian A. McFarlane. “Emissaries of Rastafari: An Interview with Professor Leonard Barrett.” Chanting Down Babylon: The Rastafari Reader. Ed. Nathaniel S. Murrell, William D. Spencer, and Adrian A. McFarlane. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1998. 415-428.
Davidson
Erskine, Noel Leo. From Garvey to Marley. Tampa: University Press of Florida, 2005.
Hutton, Clinton, and Nathaniel Samuel Murrell. “Rastas’ Psychology of Blackness, Resistance, and Somebodiness.” Chanting Down Babylon: The Rastafari Reader. Ed. Nathaniel S. Murrell, William D. Spencer, and Adrian A. McFarlane. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1998. 36-54.
Lewis, Rupert. “Marcus Garvey and the Early Rastafarians: Continuity and Discontinuity.” Chanting Down Babylon: The Rastafari Reader. Ed. Nathaniel S. Murrell, William D. Spencer, and Adrian A. McFarlane. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1998. 145-158.
Murrell, Nathaniel Samuel, and Burchell K. Taylor. “Rastafari’s Messianic Ideology and Caribbean Theology of Liberation.” Chanting Down Babylon: The Rastafari Reader. Ed. Nathaniel S. Murrell, William D. Spencer, and Adrian A. McFarlane. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1998. 390-411.
Murrell, Nathaniel S., and Lewin Williams. “The Black Biblical Hermeneutics of Rastafari.” Chanting Down Babylon: The Rastafari Reader. Ed. Nathaniel S. Murrell, William D. Spencer, and Adrian A. McFarlane. Philadelphia: Temple Univ. Press, 1998. 326-348.
“Rasta and Reggae Music” The Afrocentric Experience. 20 May 2006 <http://www.swagga.com/rastareggae.html>.
Simpson, George Eaton. “Religion and Justice: Some Reflections on the Rastafari Movement.” Phylon 46.4 (1985): 286-291.
Singh, Simboonath. “Cultures of Exile: Diasporic Identities and the ‘Imaginations’ of Africa and India in the Caribbean.” Identity: An International Journal of Theory and Research 1.3 (2001): 289-305.
- - -. “Resistance, Essentialism, and Empowerment in Black Nationalist Discourse in the African Diaspora: A comparison of the Back to Africa, Black Power, and Rastafari Movements.” Journal of African American Studies 8.3 (2004): 18-36.